´Tough on Crime, Election Time´

Public policy has been referred to by Colebatch as “anything a government chooses to do or not to do…some things are noticed and attended to; others are not” (Colebatch, 2009). What is emphasised here is the fact that there are only a few issues to be selected for policy attention due to competitiveness alongside the governments’ limitation of resources and time constrains. Thus, the agenda of policy and policy making is heavily influenced by the public demand for policies as it is through peoples believes and experiences that a social issue needs to be responded to by the government to find a solution. Here, the medias role is essential in order to understand the process of setting the agenda on crime.

The law and order debate always gain extra heat in election time, as most politicians (just as the media) knows that issues relating to crime is what captures the general publics’ attention; as expressed elsewhere: “law and order is the bread and butter of a successful election campaign” (McGovern, 2011).

Through this overall fascination with crime and the criminal justice system, it is not strange that election campaigns have been won based on their response to law and order issues. Recently in Australia there has been various policy implementations due to public demand for tougher polices in relation to various issues concerning crime. Such an example is the new legislation in relation to bike gangs that was implemented short after a man was stabbed to death at Sydney airport. The hysteria portrayed in the media, which then translate into public fear of crime, is what comes to make up the policy agenda on crime. Since the majority of the general public form their views and opinions about crime from various media sources, the relationship between media, crime and politics is obvious (Mars & Melville, 2009, McGovern, 2011).

Media misrepresentations that have led to policy implementations that have had, and still have, serious consequences can be seen in relation to juvenile justice and the restriction on bail. Research shows that since 1992 there have been 23 punitive amendments to the NSW Bail Act due to ´though on crime´ laws and policies which have been the main focus to combat youth crime (Crime and Justice Reform Committee, 2010). Consequently, the number of young people in detention and young people remaining in custody on remand has increased. This in turn has led to overcrowding within the detention centres which put young people in significant risk in terms of safety but also in terms of their increased contact with the juvenile justice system itself which have shown to increase recidivism rates. Hence, these practices and policies can be seen as a result of distorting and manipulating perceptions of youth crime portrayed in the media which creates a false depiction, stereotyping, public fear and oversimplification of facts which leads to public demand for tougher policies.

Clearly then, policy responses to law and order concerns are not always implemented based on research, rather strongly influenced by public fear and anxiety over issues relating to crime. I therefore think it is fair to say that politicians, just as well as the media, do what ever they can to attract the biggest audience – and to do so, they know that issues relating to crime and the criminal justice system is what works best to gain peoples attention in times of political election (and always)!

References:

Colebatch, H. K 2009, Policy: third edition, Open University Press, England

Crime and Justice Reform Committee 2010, Bail and young people, Fact Sheet, viewed on the                       7^th of June 2011, http://www.crimeandjustice.org.au/?q=node/13

Marsh, I & Melville, G 2009, Crime, Justice and The Media, Routledge, London and New        York

McGovern, A 2011, ´State of NSW: Setting the agenda on crime in NSW´, The Conversation, viewed on the 9^th of June 2011,

                      http://wimba.edtec.unsw.edu.au/wimba/presentation?action=display_popup&nid                      =5437989.201106090915370440.36155288.18543512.12748268

´Criminalising the Other´

In response to Melissa Cheng´s blog: ´Modern day moral panics´. http://melscrim2027blog.blogspot.com/

Much of what is involved in the studies around media, crime and politics can be linked to what Melissa is discussing in her text. Firstly, the media portrayal of detainees from Willawood detention centre (as well as other detention centres around Australia) is extremely one-sided. Never can you read in the newspaper or hear on the news about the detainees’ conditions in those prison-like facilities. More frankly, never do the media report on the many and various human rights abuses that occur through the process of mandatory detention in Australia. Rather, just as Melissa points out, through different media sources the detainees are constructed as a threat to our society, as someone that shouldn’t be here.

Moreover, Michael Grewcocks latest book (which I recommend to everyone interested in the area of refugees and asylum seekers to read) Border Crimes: Australia’s war on illicit migrants, he talks about Australia’s treatment of asylum seekers as ´illegal immigrants´ - just as they are described in the media – but how this treatment in itself should be regarded as criminal – as state crime. The facts that Grewcock highlights in his book is facts that you would never come across in the media. Thus, and as he concludes, the alienation of, and the construction of the unauthorised migrant as the outsider is the most powerful legitimising process underpinning the implementation of policy responses to migration in Australia (Grewcock, 2009). Here, the links between the media, crime and politics becomes obvious; the sense of a threat to society and the fear for foreigners produced by the media do influence public policy responses.

Secondly, analysing the post 9/11 society that we live in I agree with Melissa that the level of security, defence forces and terrorism laws have gone into overdrive; particularly when considering the panic which have centred around those of Arabic-speaking background.  Here the medias role has been vital in creating extensive concerns amongst the general public (Marsh & Melville, 2009). Poynting et al (2005) states in their text Bin Laden in the Suburbs: Criminalising the Arab Other, that central to moments of moral panic is the creation of a folk devil – where the folk devil is the key focus of moral and social anxieties in the moment of panic (Poynting et al, 2005 in Brown et al, 2006). On the one hand, yes the 9/11 attacks were extremely severe and should not be taken lightly but again, agreeing with Melissa, the media response to the whole situation, alongside the killing of Bin Laden, has created an unnecessary fear and panic due to exaggerated media reportage.  

In summation, both these issues portrayed and related to crime can be viewed as modern day moral panics as they have remained as hot topics throughout media for decades and still have an obvious impact on public policy until this day.  

References:

Brown et al, 2006, Criminal Laws, 4^th edn, The Federation Press, Sydney

Grewcock, M 2009, Border Crimes: Australia’s War on Illicit Migrants, Institute of                   Criminology Press, Sydney

Marsh, I & Melville, G 2009, Crime, Justice and The Media, Routledge, London and New        York

´Don’t believe everything you hear/read´

I think it is worth asking the question weather or not the concept of trying to identify and reduce risk before it becomes a problem is a good way to prevent crime. I mean, how do you predict future criminal behaviour? Again, I think that using young people as an example will successfully illustrate that there are serious concerns about early intervention policies and predicting ´risky behaviour´. Also, I want to reflect over my own media consumption in relation to my views on crime and criminal behaviour. It is interesting to see what a few years studying criminology have done to the way I use media today.

Firstly, I think we can all agree that even though the media has always had an interest in crime and criminal behaviour, there is increasing media reportage around crime and offenders – both in the ´news´ and in terms of TV and reality shows. There also seems to be a particular interest around young people and youth crime.

Research focusing on young people and crime suggests that there is a link between the media reportage and policy responses in relation to youth offenders, and states that notions of risk have been one of the main justifications for various interventions and policy responses in terms of how we respond to young people and criminal behaviour (Cunneen and White, 2006). This so called risk management approach has been dominating responses to youth crime since the 1990´s and has meant that welfare policies have emphasised neo-liberal principles of individualisation, self-realisation and individual responsibility. In turn, this has aimed at making young people responsible for their own future. Yet, and here lies the main contradiction, children and young people in particular are the most governed and regulated group of our society (Ellis & France, 2010). This contradiction further highlights the vital role media plays in constructing the general publics’ views around crime and public policy, as ´tough on crime´ policies are dominating the risk approach to combat crime and criminal behaviour amongst young people. What is particularly striking is the list of supposed ´risk factors´ contributing to criminal behaviour. This list includes well known characteristics such as poor family conditions, low self-control, and low socio-economic circumstances and so forth. These factors have all been linked to ´risky´ behaviour and lay the ground for what has been referred to as the ´preventive state´; where social prevention is based on penal policies (Kemshall et al, 2006).

In short, the main concern with predicting potential, or future, criminal behaviour is that behaviour that is in fact not criminal becomes the focus for intervention and regulation of young people due to the ´threat´ and ´risk´ they pose (McAlister, 2008). Suggestively, here it is also possible to make a linkage to theories such as the labelling theory, when looking at the negative outcomes of a risk management approach in relation to young people and crime and when analysing how these issues are portrayed in the media. It is obvious that the media influence public policy.

Moreover, when reflecting over my own media consumption in relation to my views around crime and criminal behaviour, I have to say, that after studying criminology it has changed quite a lot. Existing research states that 76% of the public form their opinion about crime based on what they read in newspapers and from what they see on television (Marsh & Melville, 2009), and I don’t think I was an exception before coming to university (not saying that me nor anyone else would ever be completely free from being influenced by the media, but at least less influenced when gaining different perspectives). I think most people would agree that it is extremely difficult not to be influenced by the media as it is the leading source of ´information´, and considering the amount of media that surrounds us on a daily basis. Yet, there are different forms of media and I think it is fair to say that one have the option to be selective.

Although, before studying criminology – and before I became familiar with the concept of ´critically analyse´, crime in the media was probably what grabbed my attention the most. Thinking about my prior interest in the media, crime ´news´ always seemed to fascinate me in a way that other news did not do. I assume my views around crime and criminal behaviour was much more stereotyped as well; not knowing any of the underlying factors that contributes to crime, and never would I have thought that crime, and the responses to crime, could be socially constructed.

In conclusion then, I am now much more selective in the forms of media that I actually consume, knowing how media has a tendency to depict crime in a stereotypical and exaggerated manner. Thus, I hope that with a background in criminology I can make a much more informed decision about what I read in the newspaper and see on television – and I know that increased regulation and tougher policies to combat crime is not necessarily the way to go about it. Finally, I guess the expression ´don’t believe everything you hear/read´ does apply to crime and the media!

References:

Cunneen, C & White, R 2007, Juvenile Justice: “Youth and Crime in Australa”, 3^rd edn,            Oxford University Press, Melbourne

Ellis, K & France, A 2010, ´Being judged, being assessed: young people’s perspective of           assessment in youth justice and education´, Children and Society, pp. 1-12

Kemshall, H et al 2006, ´Young people, pathways and crime: beyond risk factors´, The              Australian and New Zealand Journal of Criminology, vol. 39, no. 3, pp. 354-370

Marsh, I & Melville, G 2009, Crime, Justice and The Media, Routledge, London and New        York

´Today’s Youth is worse Than Ever´

When thinking of responses by the criminal justice system in relation to young people and crime, it is hard not to make linkages to the medias misrepresentations and how it consequently creates a sense of moral panic. It is evident when looking at Australia’s current stand on detention and incarceration that there is a strong perception that containment is the most effective way to deal with young people and crime. However, recent research is stating the opposite; arguing that detention and the incarceration of young people that commit minor criminal offences actually increase recidivism rather than having positive outcomes – for both the juvenile offenders and community.

The role media plays in shaping the general publics views and opinions, particularly in relation to young people and youth crime, is obvious when analysing policy and various responses by the criminal justice system. It is interesting to read various media articles stating that young people today are ´out of control´ and that today’s youth is ´worse than ever´. Findings shows that between 1992 and 2008 there were a great number of punitive amendments added to different Acts in NSW, and since 2007 there has been an increase in young people in custody due to ´though on crime´ laws and policies being the main focus to combat youth crime (Brown, Farrier, Egger, McNamara & Steel, 2006).  

As we know, most people have very limited knowledge about, or direct contact with the criminal justice system but yet, most people have a very strong opinion that there is a need for tougher laws and policies to combat crime. The medias role here is vital as it is the main forum to distribute information to the general public. Hence, when exaggerating issues concerning youth crime - a sense of moral panic within community contribute to peoples perception that something needs to be done and as a result, there is a request for tougher laws and policies to deal with young people and crime. Very few people are informed by the media that there are diversionary options that have been found to adequately support young people rather than utilise detention where they are most likely to start a criminal carer. Diversionary alternatives such as community developed programs have shown to have beneficial outcomes for both offenders and community in terms of low re-offending rates and less youth re-entering the juvenile justice system (Wong, Bailey & Kenny, 2010).

If the media were to provide accurate information about young people who commit crime as well as politicians focusing on solving the issue rather than using young people as the ´folk devil´, the moral panic around juvenile justice would maybe have a chance to decrease and the focus may instead be on finding the best support for young people who engage in criminal activities.


 

References:

Brown, D 2006, Criminal Laws, 4^th edn, The Federation Press, Sydney

Wong, K et al 2010, ´Bail me out: NSW young people and bail´, Youth Justice Coalition, pp.1-48,  viewed on the 4^th of January 2011,  http://www.yjconline.net/BailMeOut.pdf

´Conviction Kitchen´

       

As recognised in much literature, media has (and have always had) a strong interest in crime and punishment. One of the most recent signs of such interest is channel 7´s new reality cooking series called ´Conviction Kitchen´; where 18 ex-prisoners will participate in a the show.  The concept is taken from Canada, and the format is taking a group of newly released prisoners on parole and letting them undertake the task of setting up a new restaurant within only a few weeks time.

One can wonder, without being overly analytical, what perception of ex-prisoners media is trying to portray? I have a thought, which might be more appropriately called hope, and that is that this show successfully can give the general public a positive view on people being released from prison and integrated back into society, rather than further portrayed as people who should be behind bars.

Watching the introductive episode of the Australian Conviction Kitchen, the host of the show (a famous chef from the Melbourne area, also an ex-prisoner) starts by stating his interest in the participants and his willingness to give them the ´second chance´ no one else is willing to give them. He goes on to say that this is their chance to change their lives around – the past is not what is important, now we are looking at the future.

When taking into account the fact that most people have limited knowledge about prison and prisoners, it is fascinating how most people still manage to have a strong opinion on both prisoners and confinement. But as it has been stated so many times before, television and media entertainment contribute to these perceptions and arguably, people’s familiarity with the criminal justice systems is many times based on the symbolism of imprisonment by media images. Additionally, often there is little or no empathy with prisoners, which consequently fosters a distorted picture of crime and punishment.

If this show can somewhat portray people coming out of jail as deserving of a second chance in society, and create empathy and sympathy with ex-prisoners, this might be a better show for a change. However, between the lines one can still see that the shows emphasis is on the individuals and what crimes they have committed and their incarceration in general. Thus, the general interest of catching the audience attention is evident. But again, lets not be too analytical or critical (yet), and hope that this cooking series can implement a more realistic and ´human´ view of people coming out of jail than simply portraying them as social outsiders that belong nowhere but in prison.

"Boat People"

In the last couple of years, we have seen an increased focus by media around immigration and the arrival of so called ´boat people´ to Australia. There are numerous media articles expressing the concern of illegal migrants entering the shores of our country and how human smuggling and the trade of ´boat people´ is out of control.

The picture painted by the media on how people are coming to Australia via ´illegal´ means such as internationally organised criminal networks and ´people smuggling syndicates´, has succeeded in creating a fear around the issue of migration. It has successfully created a ´us against them´, where the migrant is seen as someone that does not belong here and that threatens our sovereignty. The use of Christmas Island to detain those who come to Australia unauthorised, is viewed in the media as being the best and only way to handle the situation. Yet, what is not provided by most articles in our news papers is the fact that Christmas Island alongside other detention centres such as Willawood, are more like prison facilities than anything else. The constant association of criminal networks with migrants fosters a sense of refuges and asylum seekers to be criminal. The referral to illegal immigration further links the desperate need for protection as being a criminal activity; when in fact, it is a human right!

What the media fails to provide is accurate information on why these people are leaving their nation state. There are rarely any notes on civil war or national disasters to explain people’s motivations for coming to Australia under such risky circumstances as being transported by sea for several months. It becomes evident that the focus is on the criminal activity rather on the actual reasons behind unauthorised migration to Australia.

Here, the media, crime and politics nexus in relation to ´boat people´ is also evident in the sense that it is a widely discussed topic and a constant issue on the policy agenda. Terms such as ´tougher policies´ are a common fact and do clearly indicate to the general public that the issue of ´illegal´ migration has a firm position on the agenda due to its seriousness and threat to Australian borders.

Finally, regarding this particular issue it is clear that the media has a strong influence in terms of public fear and perception around migration. It is also obvious that the media portrayal has a strong focus on the criminal aspect of the issue rather than giving a holistic view on what is really taking place.

References:

McGovern, A 2011, ´The Daily News: The crime-media relationship´, Crim2027 Lecture notes.

Taylor, L 2010, ´Tough on boat people´, Sydney Morning Herald

Allard, T 2010, ´Boat people trade out of control´, Sydney Morning Herald